By: Abubakr al-Saeed
When what became known as the Arab Spring revolutions broke out, Yemen was not spared: the February 2011 revolution erupted against President Saleh’s regime. But no swift revolutionary outcome came about, and Yemen entered a political crisis that remained at a standstill.
After regional and international efforts, the Gulf Initiative, sponsored by regional actors, the United Nations and the international community, offered a political way out of the Yemeni crisis. It was endorsed by an internal consensus, followed by the election of President Hadi and the formation of the consensus government, which brought President Hadi and his government (the Government of National Consensus) to power.
By: Abubakr al-Saeed
When what became known as the Arab Spring revolutions broke out, Yemen was not spared: the February 2011 revolution erupted against President Saleh’s regime. But no swift revolutionary outcome came about, and Yemen entered a political crisis that remained at a standstill.
After regional and international efforts, the Gulf Initiative, sponsored by regional actors, the United Nations and the international community, offered a political way out of the Yemeni crisis. It was endorsed by an internal consensus, followed by the election of President Hadi and the formation of the consensus government, which brought President Hadi and his government (the Government of National Consensus) to power.
This was followed by the National Dialogue Conference, in which all Yemeni political forces and all components of civil society – organisations and parties – took part, as well as marginalised groups such as women and young people, the Ansar Allah group and the Southern Movement.
The participants in the dialogue agreed to found a new Yemen governed by a civil, federal state, free of violence and strife. Unfortunately, things went the opposite way: political and security tensions escalated and peaked with the outbreak of armed clashes between the Houthis and their opponents among the tribal and military forces loyal to the Islamist Islah party, and between them and parts of the authorities.
Sanaa fell into the hands of the group’s fighters, and Yemen now stands on the brink of a new phase that may bear many names, the most prominent being partition, fragmentation, civil and tribal war, and sectarianism.
Recent events in Yemen have moved so fast that no one has been able to say what they really are. Speculation ranges from those who see in what happened a convergence of Saudi and Houthi interests and a shared wish to strike the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Yemen, represented by the Islah party with its tribal wing led by the Al-Ahmar family and its military wing led by General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar…
…to those who explain what happened as close coordination between former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh and his supporters in the security and military establishments, on the one hand, and the Houthi Ansar Allah movement, on the other, to take revenge on his opponents who rose up against him and took part in overthrowing his rule.
Whatever the speculation, there is no doubt that in the wake of these recent events Yemen is living in armed chaos, and the state has no real authority on the ground. The Zaydi areas in the north, for example, are under the control of the Houthi Ansar Allah movement; the Shafi‘i areas of Ibb, Taiz, Hodeidah and al-Bayda, despite the tolerance in which they used to live, have fears about what has happened. Because of the sectarian incitement Yemen is experiencing, some tribes have gone so far as to consider themselves released from the state and to ally themselves with al-Qaeda, as is happening in Rada‘a in al-Bayda governorate, which is witnessing a genuine humanitarian tragedy.
As for the southern regions that want secession, or what is called “disengagement”, their inclination towards it has grown; indeed, since the fall of Sanaa the Southern Movement sees this as its priority. Most of the south-eastern regions are controlled by al-Qaeda, or rather have a heavy al-Qaeda presence.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The tensions and fighting in Yemen have created a tragic reality of violations of human rights and freedoms.
Hundreds of combatants have been killed or wounded, whether Houthi fighters, soldiers or tribesmen. A few months ago, for example, dozens of civilian demonstrators supporting the Ansar Allah group were killed or wounded in a suicide bombing in Tahrir Square in Sanaa.
But civilians who have nothing to do with the parties to the conflict are the greatest victims: hundreds of children, women and elderly people have been killed or wounded in all the battles that have taken place in Dammaj, Amran, Rada‘a and elsewhere.
If the chances of peace and of a political option in Yemen recede, this will favour the option of violence, which will create fertile ground for the emergence of movements of politico-religious extremism, whether Shia or Sunni. Zaydis and Shafi‘is have lived together in Yemen for more than a thousand years without sectarian fighting; today the country is witnessing a tearing of its social fabric without precedent.
If regional states such as Saudi Arabia and Iran have a role to play in Yemen, it must be a positive one: not fuelling political and sectarian conflicts, but supporting development and the building of chances for peace.
Likewise, the international community must take a sincere stand on Yemen, not by making it hostage to international polarisation, but by encouraging Yemenis to engage in dialogue, reducing violence and urging everyone in that direction.
Although the Peace and National Partnership Agreement was signed between Ansar Allah, the political forces and the government under the auspices of UN envoy Jamal Benomar, this is not enough unless there is a genuine will to build a strong civil state that embraces all the sons and daughters of the Yemeni people, with all their ideas and persuasions.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Let me conclude by saying that the way out of the crisis in Yemen can only come through dialogue and mutual understanding among all, and through everyone becoming convinced that the solution must be peaceful and nothing else; through building a strong state and a neutral army that protects the gains of peace and alone bears arms, a right that belongs to no group whatsoever; through creating genuine opportunities for participation and involving the long-suffering Yemeni people in political decision-making; and through creating opportunities for development, services and education for young people, so that they do not fall prey to the forces of extremism and violence. Thank you all.
