{"id":7235,"date":"2026-07-24T11:06:39","date_gmt":"2026-07-24T10:06:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cpi-geneva.org\/fr\/?p=7235"},"modified":"2026-11-08T23:03:02","modified_gmt":"2026-11-08T23:03:02","slug":"la-charte-de-medine-les-appartenances-multiples-comme-modele-de-cohesion-sociale-dans-une-societe-pluraliste","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cpi-geneva.org\/fr\/la-charte-de-medine-les-appartenances-multiples-comme-modele-de-cohesion-sociale-dans-une-societe-pluraliste\/","title":{"rendered":"La Charte de M\u00e9dine\u00a0: les appartenances multiples comme mod\u00e8le de coh\u00e9sion sociale dans une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 pluraliste"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Lire l\u2019\u00e9tude compl\u00e8te | <a href=\"https:\/\/cpi-geneva.org\/fr\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/3\/2026\/07\/The_Medina_Charter_CPI-Geneva_Abbas_Aroua_07_2026.pdf\">PDF<\/a> (en anglais)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Introduction<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Aucune soci\u00e9t\u00e9 n\u2019est enti\u00e8rement homog\u00e8ne, que ce soit sur le plan ethnique, linguistique, id\u00e9ologique ou religieux. Cela est d\u2019autant plus vrai \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e8re actuelle de la communication et de la circulation des personnes et des id\u00e9es. La plupart des pays comptent plusieurs groupes ethniques, plusieurs langues et plusieurs croyances. Pour jouir de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9, de la stabilit\u00e9, de la paix et de la prosp\u00e9rit\u00e9, une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 doit renforcer sa coh\u00e9sion et g\u00e9rer les tensions entre ses diff\u00e9rentes composantes. Si ces tensions s\u2019aggravent et ne sont pas correctement g\u00e9r\u00e9es, elles conduiront in\u00e9vitablement \u00e0 la fragmentation, \u00e0 la d\u00e9sint\u00e9gration et, \u00e0 terme, \u00e0 l\u2019effondrement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">L\u2019intensit\u00e9 des divisions soci\u00e9tales d\u00e9pend de la force des diff\u00e9rentes lignes de fracture qui traversent la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 et de la mani\u00e8re dont elles s\u2019articulent entre elles. Ces lignes de fracture peuvent \u00eatre id\u00e9ologiques ou politiques, linguistiques ou r\u00e9gionales, religieuses ou confessionnelles, ethniques ou tribales. Lorsque ces divisions sont align\u00e9es, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire lorsque les lignes de fracture se superposent, elles sont difficiles \u00e0 traiter, car elles se renforcent mutuellement. Lorsqu\u2019elles ne le sont pas, la situation est plus ais\u00e9e. Souvent, l\u2019alignement des divisions n\u2019est que per\u00e7u, sans fondement dans la r\u00e9alit\u00e9, et cette perception est parfois d\u00e9lib\u00e9r\u00e9ment entretenue par des acteurs internes et externes \u00e0 des fins politiques.* Il est donc essentiel de d\u00e9construire ce type de perception en r\u00e9v\u00e9lant la structure complexe de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9, qui contribue \u00e0 sa coh\u00e9sion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Le moyen le plus efficace de renforcer la coh\u00e9sion sociale est d\u2019\u00e9tablir un \u00c9tat fond\u00e9 sur la citoyennet\u00e9, qui transcende toutes les appartenances et garantit \u00e0 tous l\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9 des droits et des devoirs, permettant \u00e0 chacun de participer \u00e0 la gestion des affaires publiques sans exclusion ni discrimination.\u2020 La coh\u00e9sion sociale ne s\u2019\u00e9tablit que lorsque tous les membres de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9\u2021 ont le sentiment de partager le pouvoir sous toutes ses formes, notamment politique, militaire, \u00e9conomique et culturelle. La discordance de rang\u00a7 \u2013 lorsqu\u2019une partie de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 monopolise certaines formes de pouvoir tandis qu\u2019une autre en monopolise d\u2019autres \u2013 engendre l\u2019instabilit\u00e9, tandis que l\u2019asym\u00e9trie totale \u2013 situation dans laquelle une seule composante de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9tient toutes les formes de pouvoir \u2013 engendre une stabilit\u00e9 qui ne peut durer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">La r\u00e9partition \u00e9quitable du pouvoir entre toutes les composantes de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9, quel que soit leur poids num\u00e9rique, conduit \u00e0 une stabilit\u00e9 durable et ne peut \u00eatre obtenue que par 1) l\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9 des chances, 2) l\u2019\u00e9tat de droit et 3) la bonne gouvernance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ce document pr\u00e9sente des observations sur la Charte de M\u00e9dine, une initiative du Proph\u00e8te Muhammad apr\u00e8s son \u00e9migration de La Mecque vers M\u00e9dine, qui visait \u00e0 instaurer la paix, \u00e0 renforcer la coh\u00e9sion sociale et \u00e0 favoriser la bonne gouvernance au sein de la communaut\u00e9 diverse de M\u00e9dine. La Charte entendait permettre \u00e0 chaque groupe social de M\u00e9dine de vivre selon ses croyances sans contraindre les autres \u00e0 renoncer aux leurs. Elle cherchait aussi \u00e0 \u00e9tablir des droits et des obligations, \u00e0 maintenir la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 et la justice et \u00e0 permettre le r\u00e8glement des conflits sans recours \u00e0 la violence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">La Charte de M\u00e9dine a fait l\u2019objet de nombreuses \u00e9tudes, qui ont abord\u00e9 le document sous plusieurs angles, notamment la jurisprudence constitutionnelle, les droits humains, la coexistence religieuse et culturelle, la transformation des conflits et la coh\u00e9sion sociale (voir la revue de la litt\u00e9rature \u00e0 l\u2019annexe 1). Le pr\u00e9sent document s\u2019int\u00e9resse \u00e0 la Charte de M\u00e9dine en tant que mod\u00e8le qui reconna\u00eet les appartenances multiples afin de promouvoir la coh\u00e9sion sociale au sein des soci\u00e9t\u00e9s pluralistes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Abbas Aroua<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Notes<\/h3>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">* En Alg\u00e9rie, par exemple, on a tent\u00e9 d\u2019attribuer la crise du pays \u00e0 la superposition de deux divisions\u00a0: l\u2019une ethnolinguistique (Arabes\u2013Kabyles), l\u2019autre id\u00e9ologique (islamistes\u2013la\u00efcs). Si tel \u00e9tait le cas, la coh\u00e9sion de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 alg\u00e9rienne serait bien plus menac\u00e9e. La situation alg\u00e9rienne est toutefois beaucoup plus complexe et multiforme, puisque les mouvements islamistes comme les mouvements la\u00efcs comptent \u00e0 la fois des Arabes et des Kabyles.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u2020 On compte par exemple environ 200 \u00c9tats et 2 000 nations dans le monde. La plupart des \u00c9tats regroupent plusieurs nations, g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement avec une nation dominante. Le moyen le plus efficace de faire face \u00e0 l\u2019h\u00e9t\u00e9rog\u00e9n\u00e9it\u00e9 des \u00c9tats est de fonder la gouvernance sur la citoyennet\u00e9.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u2021 Pour bien fonctionner, une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 doit disposer d\u2019un cadre clair et \u00e9quitable de droits et de responsabilit\u00e9s, appliqu\u00e9 de mani\u00e8re constante \u00e0 toutes les personnes vivant sur son territoire, qu\u2019elles soient citoyennes ou r\u00e9sidentes. Les droits fondamentaux, tels que le droit \u00e0 la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 de la personne, l\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9 devant la loi, l\u2019acc\u00e8s \u00e0 la justice et la libert\u00e9 de conscience, doivent \u00eatre garantis \u00e0 tous. De m\u00eame, chaque membre de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 a le devoir de respecter la loi, de contribuer au bien commun et de s\u2019abstenir de nuire, quel que soit son statut juridique.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u00a7 Prenons par exemple une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 dans laquelle la majorit\u00e9 num\u00e9rique d\u00e9tient le pouvoir politique et militaire, tandis que la minorit\u00e9 num\u00e9rique d\u00e9tient le pouvoir \u00e9conomique et culturel. Voir\u00a0: Johan Galtung, <em>Violence, Peace, and Peace Research<\/em>. Journal of Peace Research 6(3):167\u2013191 (1969).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\">R\u00e9f\u00e9rences<\/h3>\n\n\n\n<ol class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Coran, 33:13.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Coran, 9:120.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Lakhdar Ghettas. <em>The Medina Charter<\/em>. In <em>Interaction of Religion and Politics in the Public Sphere: Conceptual Tools for the Promotion of Peaceful Co-existence among Political Actors with Different Worldviews<\/em>. Sous la direction d\u2019Alistair Davison. Cordoba Workshops Reports. Fondation Cordoue de Gen\u00e8ve (2016).<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Lire l\u2019\u00e9tude compl\u00e8te | <a href=\"https:\/\/cpi-geneva.org\/fr\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/3\/2026\/07\/The_Medina_Charter_CPI-Geneva_Abbas_Aroua_07_2026.pdf\">PDF<\/a> (en anglais)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Lire l\u2019\u00e9tude compl\u00e8te | PDF (en anglais) Introduction Aucune soci\u00e9t\u00e9 n\u2019est enti\u00e8rement homog\u00e8ne, que ce soit sur le plan ethnique, linguistique, id\u00e9ologique ou religieux. Cela est d\u2019autant plus vrai \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e8re actuelle\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":7237,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[17],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-7235","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-research-papers"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v28.8 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>La Charte de M\u00e9dine\u00a0: les appartenances multiples comme mod\u00e8le de coh\u00e9sion sociale dans une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 pluraliste | CPI-Gen\u00e8ve<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/cpi-geneva.org\/fr\/la-charte-de-medine-les-appartenances-multiples-comme-modele-de-cohesion-sociale-dans-une-societe-pluraliste\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"La Charte de M\u00e9dine\u00a0: les appartenances multiples comme mod\u00e8le de coh\u00e9sion sociale dans une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 pluraliste | CPI-Gen\u00e8ve\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Lire l\u2019\u00e9tude compl\u00e8te | PDF (en anglais) Introduction Aucune soci\u00e9t\u00e9 n\u2019est enti\u00e8rement homog\u00e8ne, que ce soit sur le plan ethnique, linguistique, id\u00e9ologique ou religieux. 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